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Gabbard Drops Fauci COVID-19 Receipts On Last Day: He Funded The Research, Cooked The Cover Story, Then Lied To Congress
Newly declassified documents released Thursday by Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard show that a U.S. national laboratory assessed the COVID-19 lab-origin hypothesis as a serious possibility as early as May 2020, as well as evidence of U.S.-funded coronavirus research that included planning for spike-protein modifications, receptor-adaptation experiments, and testing in humanized mice in collaboration with researchers at the Wuhan Institute of Virology.
The documents also prove that Anthony Fauci lied under oath.
Today, on my final day as Director of National Intelligence, I’m releasing never-before-seen communications and documents exposing how Dr. Fauci provided millions in US taxpayer dollars to fund dangerous gain-of-function research at the Wuhan lab, worked with politicized elements… pic.twitter.com/ZMdliW4zyS
— DNI Tulsi Gabbard (@DNIGabbard) June 19, 2026The release, issued on Gabbard’s last day on the job, includes an eight-page May 27, 2020, assessment from Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory’s Z Program. That assessment concluded that “all of the necessary conditions for an accidental release of a laboratory-modified coronavirus - specifically a coronavirus adapted to recognize human cell receptors - were present at the Chinese Wuhan Institute of Virology in mid-to-late 2019.” It assigned equal weight to a laboratory-modification hypothesis and a natural-origin scenario.
Screenshot, ODNI releaseMeanwhile, Recall that while the government was locking us down, Dr. Anthony Fauci and those in his orbit were actively fabricating a 'wet market' narrative that would conceal US research as a possible origin - despite his own advisors initially insisting that COVID-19 looked manmade.
In his January 2024 transcribed interview, Fauci was asked about conversations concerning the same three topics - COVID origins, WIV, and EcoHealth. When asked about the CIA, he answered yes: he said he was briefed “once or twice” in a secure NIH facility and also recalled a briefing in a White House situation room.
The newly released documents then show a June 4, 2021 briefing involving CIA/WCP personnel, NSC officials, and Fauci, during which Fauci offered views on pangolin research, sick WIV researchers, single-lineage vs. multi-lineage evidence, and recommended scientists for the IC to contact. A separate CIA-context email says that same 40-minute secure video teleconfrenece involved CIA/WCPMC officials and that Fauci gave thoughts on the 4 May 2021 COVID-origin briefing and recommended U.S. scientists to consult.
So, he lied.
According to a statement released with the files, "Fauci worked with politicized career leadership in the Intelligence Community (IC) to suppress the truth about his actions, the virus’ lab-leak origins, and his role in directing U.S. funding for this dangerous research that caused immeasurable harm and countless lost lives. These documents expose Fauci’s direct role in influencing and manipulating IC assessments on COVID-19, and how Fauci lied to Congress in 2024, when under oath he denied knowledge of or participation in discussions with intelligence officials about viral research."
U.S.-Funded Research and Planning for Coronavirus ManipulationThe files include the Year 5 progress report for EcoHealth Alliance’s NIH grant 5R01AI110964-05. Under Specific Aim 3, the project outlined plans to:
- Sequence spike genes from bat coronaviruses.
- Create mutants to assess how much further evolution would be needed for efficient use of human ACE2 or other receptors.
- Conduct receptor-mutant pseudovirus binding assays.
- Perform infection experiments in cell lines and humanized mice.
This research track overlaps with work described in the 2018 DEFUSE proposal, which involved EcoHealth Alliance, Peter Daszak, Ralph Baric of the University of North Carolina, and Shi Zhengli’s team at WIV. The proposal sought to create chimeric bat coronaviruses with enhanced human infectivity, including consideration of furin cleavage site insertion to improve lung-cell entry, and to test the resulting viruses in humanized mice originally developed in Baric’s lab.
A 2016 WIV paper included in the release describes a synthetic shuttle vector system for assembling large DNA fragments, with demonstrated capability up to 31 kilobases. The authors presented the method as a tool for “genome-scale DNA reconstruction,” a technique relevant to synthetic biology and virus engineering.
Surveillance work under the same NIH grant reported that 9 of 1,497 rural residents in southern China (0.6%) were seropositive for bat SARS-related or HKU10 coronaviruses.
And from leaked emails three years ago:
Among other things, the NIH helped fund experiments at WIV that infected genetically engineered mice with “chimeric” hybrids of SARS-related bat coronaviruses in what some scientists have described as unacceptably risky research.
...
Andersen laid them out plainly in an email to Fauci that same evening. “The unusual features of the virus make up a really small part of the genome (<0.1%) so one has to look really closely at all the sequences to see that some of the features (potentially) look engineered,” Andersen wrote in the email. “I should mention,” he added, “that after discussions earlier today, Eddie, Bob, Mike and myself all find the genome inconsistent with expectations from evolutionary theory. But we have to look at this much more closely and there are still further analyses to be done, so those opinions could still change.” -The Intercept
Internal Discussions and Awareness of Manipulation ResearchA June 8, 2021, internal email in the release references a 2016 New York Academy of Medicine meeting at which Peter Daszak reportedly discussed colleagues in China “manipulating the spike protein on coronavirus to make them more virulent.”
Other 2020–2021 emails show officials debating technical concerns, including references to a DOD report on a “suspicious added furin-site” and FBI reporting containing unusual genetic descriptions. One analyst noted the risk that non-experts could misinterpret technical data while still calling for scrutiny. Another observed that “the IC took direction straight from NIH… the people that funded the Wuhan Lab” and referenced “a complex web of money and politics influencing analysis.”
Picking Their ReviewerJuly 2021 emails concerning the selection of outside reviewers for COVID-origin assessments show officials rejecting several candidates for political sensitivity or conflict-of-interest reasons:
- James Clapper was viewed as too politically “hot.”
- Anthony Fauci was flagged due to his position as a “customer” of the assessment through NIH funding ties.
- Michael Morell was considered “too public.”
- Sue Gordon and another individual identified only as “Beth” were also set aside.
These materials provide primary-source documentation that a U.S. national laboratory assessed a laboratory origin as equally plausible to natural emergence at a time when prominent scientific publications were publicly emphasizing a natural zoonotic source and characterizing alternative hypotheses as conspiracy theories. This includes the February 2020 Lancet letter and the March 2020 Nature Medicine paper “The Proximal Origin of SARS-CoV-2”, along with subsequent amplification by NIH leadership.
The research details in the declassified grant reports and proposals involved techniques and modifications - spike-protein engineering, receptor adaptation, humanized-mouse testing, and consideration of furin cleavage sites - that later featured prominently in scientific debate over SARS-CoV-2’s characteristics.
Shi and Daszak clinking glasses, undoubtedly after lots of humanized mice successfully died horrible COVID deaths. Tyler Durden Sun, 06/21/2026 - 08:35BBC Flagship Soap Being Used To Push Pro-Migrant Propaganda By Activist Infiltrators
Authored by Steve Watson via modernity,
A campaigner for "migration and racial justice" has been employed to shape storylines for EastEnders - Britain's long-running BBC flagship soap opera set in London's East End - featuring plots about exploited African migrants and racially motivated murders, it has been revealed.
It is clear evidence of such activists operating inside the UK's national broadcaster.
The revelation also fits a deepening pattern where institutions, from the BBC to schools to shadowy government units, work to reframe mass immigration as an unquestionable good while suppressing public concerns over its costs.
BBC faces fresh migration row as EastEnders hires 'racial justice' influencer tied to activist groups https://t.co/h8ODu405Xj
- GB News (@GBNEWS) June 19, 2026EastEnders, the BBC's flagship soap opera that has aired for decades and draws millions of UK viewers, has run plots about an autistic Ghanaian repeatedly exploited and the racist murder of another African immigrant since the hiring of campaigner Ade Lamuye in 2022.
Lamuye also serves on the advisory board of the Power of Pop Fund, launched by Comic Relief. The fund has directed almost £5 million to narrative change organisations seeking to use media to reframe the debate on migration.
She has confirmed her role in her own writing and stated that "entertainment and media holds influence and power to make real change".
She has additionally acted as a facilitator for Media Movers, a migration messaging group run by the charity Heard.
Heard has received funding from the Power of Pop scheme and previously lobbied producers of a BBC children's show to "impact the framing of migration".
A BBC spokesman said the corporation "has full editorial control over all its content" and that "engaging with charities for research purposes is standard industry practice".
The spokesman added that "the corporation maintains strict guidelines ensuring impartiality and editorial independence."
This EastEnders episode forms part of a coordinated infrastructure that has pivoted from COVID-era compliance tactics to shielding open borders policies from scrutiny.
As we highlighted last week, a secretive Home Office propaganda outfit founded by a former MI6 officer is actively working to control narratives around incidents involving migrants and rising tensions.
The Research, Information and Communications Unit, or RICU, has been exposed advising police on how to portray protesters and intervening in the aftermath of brutal attacks by migrants to prevent statements that might inflame public anger over mass immigration failures. Its methods include planting media stories, deploying undercover operatives, and shaping online conversations in targeted communities.
The same infrastructure that once deployed propagandistic fear tactics to drive mass compliance during the COVID period has been repurposed.
What began as emergency messaging around a virus has evolved into tools for managing public reaction to the consequences of sustained high immigration and associated crime.
Government narrative management operations have multiplied. Teams monitor "concerning narratives" on social media and flag material to platforms for removal, particularly content critical of migration policy during periods of unrest.
British soaps have been repeatedly deployed for underhanded social engineering. Government documents and investigations have shown how UK authorities secretly used BBC and ITV soaps to shape public opinion on vaccines and coerce compliance. The same approach now targets attitudes to mass migration.
Narrative change campaigners openly boast about using entertainment to "make real change" on migration and racial justice. This is not organic storytelling. It is deliberate reframing executed by activists embedded in production roles.
The pattern extends to schools pushing books telling kids there is "plenty of room" for small boat migrants.
The Green Party has pushed similar extreme content proposals on children.
Government guidance urges schools to snitch on "anti-Muslim hostility" in an Orwellian crackdown.
A UK government video game warns kids they are terrorists for questioning mass migration.
Counter-terror police ads warn teens that sharing funny content could be terrorism.
The same networks extend their influence beyond soaps. Pro-migrant campaigners have placed Channel migrants on BBC Question Time with prepared statements to test messaging.
'Extraordinary for the CEO of the charity to say there is no distinction between legal and illegal migration.'
Kwasi Kwarteng and Geoff Hoon react to a pro-migrant charity that 'planted' two migrants at a BBC Question Time debate with prepared statements. pic.twitter.com/nBcxzgessO
The charity Imix arranged for two small-boat migrants to appear, with its chief executive describing the programme as an opportunity to test messaging directly.
Campaigners have also influenced sympathetic asylum seeker characters in other soaps such as Coronation Street.
BBC under fire after Channel migrants placed on Question Time by refugee campaigners https://t.co/ZGzagGcsVw
- GB News (@GBNEWS) June 17, 2026Publicly funded broadcasters and government units are not neutral arbiters. They are active participants in a campaign to normalise policies that have transformed communities, strained services, and eroded social cohesion - all while branding legitimate concerns as bigotry.
The hiring of activists to write the scripts, the funding of narrative change through entertainment vehicles, and the deployment of "thought police" units to manage fallout reveal a system that fears open debate.
Britain's sovereignty and the right of its citizens to honest information are under sustained assault from within its own institutions.
The public deserves better than scripted emotional manipulation dressed up as drama. Real change begins with refusing to let activists and unaccountable units write the national story.
Tyler Durden Sun, 06/21/2026 - 08:10Jane Seymour, 75, reveals her secret to aging naturally: ‘No lasers, no fillers’
Jane Seymour, 75, reveals her secret to aging naturally: ‘No lasers, no fillers’
How to watch Spain-Saudi Arabia for free in World Cup 2026: Time, livestream
How ‘too young’ Sydney Sweeney and Scooter Braun went from casual fling to ultra serious romance
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Poland Revokes Top Award From Zelensky As Row Over Nazi Symbolism Deepens
Poland and Ukraine's ties continue to fray, worsening an ongoing diplomatic crisis - despite Warsaw being an 'eastern flank' key NATO ally in the broader Western campaign against Russia.
President Karol Nawrocki has just announced the country's highest state honor previously awarded to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has been revoked.
"In light of President Volodymyr Zelensky's consent to name one of the units of the Armed Forces of Ukraine 'Heroes of the UPA,"... I have decided to revoke the Order of the White Eagle from the President of Ukraine," Nawrocki said in a statement. According to more of the statement:
Polish President Karol Nawrocki branded Ukraine's decision late last month to name the unit after the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) "outrageous", "incomprehensible" and "deeply disappointing".
For Warsaw, uplifting this name is tantamount to backing a Nazi-orchestrated genocide against the Polish people:
For Poland, the UPA, or the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, is responsible for a campaign of genocidal ethnic cleansing in the 1940s that resulted in the deaths of an estimated 100,000 Polish civilians in Volhynia (known as Volyn in Ukrainian and Wołyń in Polish), a historic region with deep Polish and Ukrainian roots. This violence also systematically targeted Jewish survivors who had escaped the Holocaust.
Amid the diplomatic dispute sparked by the renaming, the Polish government is still promising not to let the issue steer its thinking on Ukraine's aspirations to join the European Union. It is pledging to remain objective related to examining Ukraine's status.
Ironically this highly symbolic diplomatic slap in the face aimed at Kiev comes ahead of a conference on Ukraine's reconstruction in the Polish city of Gdansk.
That Poland is still hosting this high-level conference suggests that Poland is not willing to cut off its overall diplomatic and military support to Ukraine amid the war with Russia - but it is perhaps an early sign that things are headed in this eventual direction.
Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha has made his country's outrage known - though is still trying to make nice given it needs the military support - responding to the Polish presidency by saying Warsaw committed a "strategic error" in revoking the state award.
President of the Republic of Poland Karol Nawrocki's decision regarding the stripping of the Order of the White Eagle from President Zelensky:
Decyzja Prezydenta RP Karola Nawrockiego w sprawie odebrania Orderu Orła Białego Prezydentowi Ukrainy Wołodymyrowi Zełenskiemu. pic.twitter.com/8gr1iRhM3y
— Kancelaria Prezydenta RP (@prezydentpl) June 19, 2026"The decision to strip the president of Ukraine of the Order of the White Eagle is a strategic error by the President of Poland that only benefits Moscow," Sybiha wrote on Facebook.
Poland also has other pressing concerns, not the least of which is the immigration and war refugee issue. Poland has throughout over four years of the Ukraine war had to absorb hundreds of thousands of refugees and war-displaced families.
A future where Ukraine could become part of the EU might prove a major drain on Poland's own struggling economy and resources.
Tyler Durden Sun, 06/21/2026 - 07:35Britain's Greatest Betrayal: The Rape Gang Inquiry Report
Authored by Celina via American Greatness,
Rupert Lowe’s Rape Gang Inquiry Report opens with two quotations before a single piece of evidence is presented.
The first is Albert Einstein’s observation:
The world is a dangerous place to live, not because of the people who are evil, but because of the people who don’t do anything about it.
Human history has always contained violent and predatory men, every society has had to confront them, punish them, and do its best to protect the innocent from them. That is a perennial feature of the human condition. Yet the significance of Einstein’s quote is that it shifts our attention away from the perpetrators alone and towards those who witnessed wrongdoing and failed to stop it. This report is so horrific because it illustrates how people who were supposed to protect vulnerable children failed to act. The report argues that those crimes became possible on such a scale because too many others looked away.
The second quotation is from Friedrich Nietzsche:
Man is the cruelest animal.
Nietzsche explains the existence of the perpetrators, Einstein explains the existence of the scandal. Throughout the report, readers encounter testimony describing acts so degrading and sadistic that they transcend ordinary criminality. This article will start with one such story.
At 12 years of age, a girl identified in official records only as Chloe was abducted by an adult male who drove her to a secluded, darkened graveyard. Once there, he supplied the child with an entire bottle of Jack Daniel’s whiskey. He then forced himself upon her, pinning her down in the darkness and raping her. Withdrawing just before ejaculation, the man picked up the emptied glass whiskey bottle and violently forced it up inside the 12-year-old child’s body until it shattered.
When Chloe eventually arrived at a local Accident and Emergency department, bleeding and in a state of unfathomable physical and psychological shock, the medical staff attended to the immediate anatomical emergency. They placed her on a table, removed the shards of shattered glass from deep inside her body, and then, according to the official records, they simply discharged her. No probing questions were asked, no police officers were summoned to the hospital ward to take a statement, no urgent safeguarding referrals were initiated to remove her from harm. A child had presented with injuries unmistakably consistent with extreme, sadistic sexual torture, and the institution specifically tasked with her care patched her up and sent her back out into the night.
Elsewhere in the country, a young victim named Michelle endured a reality of comparable horror. Michelle was subjected to an industrial scale of violence, repeatedly gang-raped in local bin sheds and threatened into terrified submission with a knife and forced into sex with multiple men waiting in cars. She was drugged, beaten, burned with cigarettes, locked in rooms, and passed between men. Of her abusers, she states: “98 percent of them were Pakistani Muslim. If not, they were Iraqi Muslim or Kurdish.” One of the most chilling details of Michelle’s ordeal occurred inside a police station. When the authorities finally became involved, the system failed her with such spectacular absurdity that police officers permitted one of the very men who had been violently abusing her to sit beside her during proceedings, officially accepting her rapist as her designated “appropriate adult,” a legal role exclusively designed to protect the welfare of vulnerable minors.
What Actually Happened
The history of group-based child sexual exploitation in the United Kingdom stretches back generations. While Alexis Jay, the independent chair of the Centre for Excellence for Children’s Care and Protection, previously identified the 1970s as the era when immigrant rape gangs first began operating in Britain, the Inquiry traces the first recorded case of a specifically Pakistani rape gang back to 1955 in Bradford, shortly after the British Nationality Act of 1948 altered the nation’s demographic makeup. However, the report highlights that the scale of these crimes expanded exponentially from the late 1990s onward, mutating from isolated local incidents into an industrialized, nationwide criminal enterprise.
What emerges from the Inquiry’s findings is the standardization of the abuse. The report confirms that these networks operate, or have operated, in at least 149 local authority districts, representing nearly 40 percent of all such districts across the United Kingdom. Britain quite literally faced a single, cohesive national model of modern-day child sex slavery.
The Victims
Reading the Rape Gang Inquiry Report is to descend into an abyss of human suffering. The abstract statistics of 250,000 victims, 149 districts, decades of cover-ups cannot adequately convey the reality of the crimes. The emotional and moral heart of the report is truly in the testimonies of the survivors, who detailed the complete annihilation of their childhoods and the lifelong shadows cast by their exploitation.
Fiona: The Care Home Pipeline
Emerging from a household marred by domestic violence and her mother’s repeated suicide attempts, Fiona was placed into state care. Tragically, this environment functioned as a heavily stocked hunting ground for the ethnic gangs. Fiona was trafficked across multiple UK cities. The networks utilized extreme violence to ensure total compliance. Fiona was forced not only to endure sexual torture but to act as a courier for drugs and to clean up the blood and knives from the scenes of fatal stabbings. The abusers bragged to her about hiding dead bodies in specific locations, facts that Fiona later saw corroborated by local news reports of recovered corpses.
At 14, Fiona fell into the hands of a man known as “Rambo,” an illegal immigrant who had reportedly been castrated in Pakistan as a punishment for child abuse before fleeing to the Philippines, where he allegedly attacked women and children with a machete, eventually arriving in Britain. Rambo locked Fiona and another girl in a room, subjecting them to extreme sexual torture that, according to the Inquiry, illustrated how the abuse was often driven more by sadism, racial humiliation, and absolute control than by just sexual gratification.
At 15, while living in a mixed-sex state care home, Fiona became pregnant. The state removed her infant son for adoption, citing the “ongoing exploitation risks” present in her life, yet deemed it acceptable to leave the 15-year-old mother behind in the exact same care home, fully exposed to the gang that had impregnated her. She estimates she was abused by between 50 and 100 men, all but two of whom were of Pakistani origin, before the abuse ceased only when she aged out of the system at 18, leaving her with chronic physical injuries, substance dependency, and complex PTSD.
Michelle: Industrial Scale of Violence
The report contains a litany of similar horrors, but the testimony of Michelle highlights the industrial scale of the abuse and the collapse of authority. Michelle detailed a relentless pattern of violence, describing how she was routinely gang-raped in local bin sheds, threatened with knives, and forced into compliance through physical terror.
The volume of perpetrators she was forced to endure resulted in repeated pregnancies, transforming her body into a site of continuous trauma and medical intervention.
Yet, the defining tragedy of Michelle’s account is in the absolute inability, or refusal, of the authorities to intervene on her behalf. When Michelle was finally brought into contact with law enforcement, the system failed her so profoundly that it could be described as complicity. While in police custody, the authorities permitted one of the very men who had been violently abusing her to accompany her, officially accepting her rapist as her “appropriate adult.” This legal role, designed to safeguard the rights and welfare of vulnerable minors during police interviews, was handed to the architect of her suffering. The authorities had essentially outsourced their safeguarding duties to the predator.
These testimonies confirm that the trauma inflicted by the perpetrators was endlessly compounded by the very institutions established to prevent it. The girls were not just victims of the gangs; they were victims of the state.
The Failure of the State
The central thesis of the Rape Gang Inquiry Report is unequivocal: the estimated 250,000 victims were the victims of a deliberate collapse of the British state’s safeguarding architecture. Across every crucial sector, the state chose institutional convenience over the lives of children.
The Police: Criminalization and Complicity
The Inquiry documents how officers frequently arrived hours late to missing persons reports, actively discouraged parents from filing complaints, and routinely closed cases without conducting basic forensic or digital examinations.
The most pervasive failure was the ideological decision to view the victims as willing participants in their own destruction. Children like Chloe, found highly intoxicated in the cars of adult men, were labeled “prostitutes,” making “lifestyle choices.” By framing the organised rape of children as consensual sex work, the police absolved themselves of the legal requirement to launch resource-heavy investigations into organised crime syndicates.
When victims or their families did provide actionable evidence, it was routinely mishandled, ignored, or actively destroyed. Ross, the father of a survivor named Phoebe, testified that vital digital evidence handed over to the police was inexplicably deleted from the device while in police custody. When Grace’s abusers repeatedly breached their bail conditions and stalked her family, the police took no action, rendering protective non-molestation orders entirely meaningless.
The bureaucratic responses were often farcical. In some instances, the only formal action taken by police was issuing “harboring notices” to the men, pieces of paper warning them not to associate with the child. When the men inevitably ignored these notices, no further enforcement followed. Furthermore, the Inquiry uncovered a deeply entrenched “two-tier” policing system. While forces surrendered to the fear of disorder from certain communities, they aggressively targeted the victims and their families. Chloe was arrested in her pajamas after her mother called the police for help, kept in a cell until 2:00 AM, and released onto the streets without transportation, leading directly to her being picked up by a gang member and trafficked nationwide.
Most disturbingly, the report highlights allegations of direct police complicity, referencing whistleblower accounts of “cop nights” where officers were allegedly active participants in the trafficking and abuse of girls using police vehicles. The revelation that an abuser could be legally accepted as an “appropriate adult” for Michelle during police questioning underscores a force either dangerously incompetent or wilfully blind to the dynamics of coercive control.
Social Services: Abandonment and Retaliation
If the police failed to enforce the law, social services failed to enforce basic humanity. Across multiple districts, social care systems identified the precise markers of severe exploitation - truancy, self-harm, sudden wealth, STIs, missing episodes - and consistently chose to look away.
The Inquiry demonstrates that social workers frequently undermined protective parents, isolating children from their families and placing them in residential care homes and semi-independent units that functioned as drive-through delivery systems for the gangs. Children were centralized, making them easier targets.
Jane, a victim placed in semi-independent living at 16, was trafficked directly from her state-provided accommodation. When she disclosed the abuse and the exchange of money to the staff, she was told it did not constitute trafficking because she was over 16. The staff then blackmailed her, threatening to blame her for the exploitation if she complained further. Following a psychiatric hospitalization, Jane discovered that all statutory care records from her placement had been mysteriously “lost or destroyed,” legally obstructing any path to future accountability.
When internal whistleblowers attempted to expose the ongoing grooming, trafficking, and financial abuse of children in these units, they were met with severe retaliation. An unnamed social worker who acted as an Interim Co-Manager testified that after raising concerns about untreated exploitation risks and unlawful housing practices, she faced sudden suspensions, the removal of payments, fabricated allegations, and career-ending professional isolation orchestrated by senior leadership to protect the council’s reputation. Social services actively punished those who tried to protect children.
Schools
Teachers and school administrators observed older men waiting at the school gates to collect young girls in taxis. They noted sudden drops in attendance, drastic changes in behavior, and physical exhaustion.
Instead of recognising these as textbook indicators of exploitation, schools responded with punitive measures that pushed the children further to the margins. When Chloe’s trauma manifested as truancy, the school repeatedly placed her in isolation, compounding her emotional distress and alienation. When Jen was bullied to the point of wetting herself because a teacher refused her access to the toilet, the school ignored her subsequent self-harm and suicidal ideation, failing to initiate any safeguarding response.
In the most tragic instances, schools actively protected the abusers to avoid scandal. When Rachel’s autistic daughter disclosed that she had been orally raped by a peer, the school failed to effectively safeguard her, allowing the alleged perpetrator to remain on the premises. She was subjected to relentless physical and online bullying by students linked to the abuser, which was filmed and shared online. The intimidation escalated until the 12-year-old took a fatal overdose of colchicine, stating she “just wanted everything to stop.”
The National Health Service
The National Health Service (NHS) is uniquely positioned to identify physical and psychological trauma. Yet, the report highlights a staggering clinical detachment among healthcare providers, who repeatedly treated the biological symptoms of extreme violence without ever questioning the cause.
Victims repeatedly presented at A&E departments, sexual health clinics, and GP surgeries with injuries that could only be the result of severe abuse. Chloe’s arrival at the hospital with shattered glass in her vagina is the most visceral example; the medical staff treated the physical wound but entirely ignored the 12-year-old patient attached to it.
The NHS treated the collateral damage of the gangs, administering antibiotics for gonorrhea, managing pregnancies caused by rape, performing abortions on children, and stitching the physical wounds of suicide attempts, without ever triggering automatic safeguarding referrals. When Chloe was diagnosed with severe, multiple STIs at age 13, clinic staff just discussed contraception rather than contacting the police. When victims sought psychological help, they were frequently dismissed. One survivor requested antidepressants to cope with the trauma of multiple STIs and a miscarriage between the ages of 13 and 15, only to be told by a doctor that she was “too young” to warrant the medication.
The Ethnic Dimension of the Crimes
According to the official data cited in the report, including independent analyses of conviction records from the late 1990s onward, approximately 87 percent of those convicted in group-based child sexual exploitation cases bore distinctively Muslim names. However, the Inquiry notes that because the vast majority of perpetrators were never prosecuted or convicted, the true demographic concentration is believed to be even higher. The report cites Dr. Taj Hargey, an imam with the Oxford Islamic Congregation, who estimates that 95 percent of the men involved in these specific gang networks are of Muslim heritage, a figure that vastly exceeds the Muslim share of the overall United Kingdom population, which stands at roughly 6 percent.
The Inquiry found that the overwhelming majority of these networks consisted of men from Pakistani backgrounds, though smaller factions of Somali, Iranian, Syrian, Turkish, and Iraqi Kurdish men were also identified.
The report concludes that the perpetrators operated under a clannish, honor-, and shame-based cultural code that viewed non-Muslim girls, specifically white, working-class girls, as subhuman property available for sexual consumption. This cultural worldview, the Inquiry argues, was reinforced by specific interpretations of religious texts. The report outlines eight theological and legal aspects of Islam that were allegedly filtered through immigrant sub-cultures to provide a framework of religious justification for the atrocities.
The abuse was explicitly racialized and religiously motivated.
Victims were routinely demeaned for their race and faith. Perpetrators referred to the girls as gora (a derogatory term for white people), “white trash,” “easy meat,” and “kuffar bitches.” Kate, a survivor of extreme trafficking, testified that her abusers mocked her for wearing a Christian cross, telling her that her God had abandoned her and that her Christian faith offered her no protection.
The gangs drew strict moral boundaries based on ethno-religious lines. Survivor testimony highlighted that white girls and Christian girls were viewed as having degraded moral character and were thus fair game for torture, while Muslim girls within the community were seen as possessing dignity and higher moral standing. As Eleanor noted in her testimony: “I’d had friends that were Muslim, girlfriends, and this never happened to them . . . the men would treat them differently.”
Why Did Nobody Stop It?
If the crimes were known, the perpetrators visible, and the victims continuously presenting at hospitals, schools, and police stations, the central question of the Rape Gang Inquiry Report remains: Why did nobody stop it?
The answer is institutional incompetence, bureaucratic self-preservation, and an overriding fear of being accused of racism.
Across every agency, the fear of inflaming “community tensions” superseded the statutory duty to protect children. Police officers, social workers, and council leaders were terrified that identifying the perpetrators as predominantly Pakistani Muslim men would invite accusations of institutional racism or empower far-right political factions. When Fiona’s mother called the police to report her daughter missing and explicitly mentioned a history of abuse by Asian men, the police call handler reprimanded her, stating: “You can’t describe them as Asian men because that’s racist.”
The report reserves its harshest condemnation for the political class, identifying a nationwide abandonment of children driven by cynical electoral arithmetic.
The Labour Party is cited as bearing particular responsibility in many of the hardest-hit municipal areas. In towns like Rotherham, Rochdale, and Oxford, Labour-controlled councils and police forces repeatedly shelved investigations and threatened whistleblowers to protect their reliance on Muslim voting blocs. The inquiry documents that local politicians received direct briefings, sat in multi-agency meetings, and read internal intelligence, yet deliberately blocked inquiries to preserve community relations and retain power.
The scandal even touched the party’s own ranks, with figures like former Rotherham Labour councillor and peer Lord Nazir Ahmed convicted of raping a 13-year-old girl, and other councillors, such as Carol Clark, formally accused of tipping off pedophile relatives about impending police raids. The report also notes that during Sir Keir Starmer’s tenure as Director of Public Prosecutions, an estimated 13,000 suspected rape gang members and pedophiles were let off with mere warning letters rather than facing prosecution.
In London, identified by the report as the epicenter of institutional denial, Mayor Sadiq Khan repeatedly insisted that grooming gangs did not operate in the capital, describing whistleblower evidence as “malicious and politically motivated.” This denial persisted even as the Metropolitan Police held internal HM Inspectorate of Constabulary documents detailing exactly these patterns of offending occurring in London hotels, exposing a massive cover-up.
The Conservative Party, while in national government, is also heavily implicated for its inaction. Despite the damning revelations of the 2014 Jay Report in Rotherham, successive Conservative administrations failed to impose mandatory ethnicity recording for these crimes or launch a full statutory national inquiry. The report cites former Conservative minister Rory Stewart, who publicly downplayed the phenomenon as a “small problem” confined to the north of England, a statement reflecting a broader political reluctance to confront the national reality of the abuse.
When individuals within the system did attempt to halt the abuse, they were crushed. Campaigners like Caven Vines in Rotherham compiled multi-agency records proving that police and councils knew about the organised grooming, only to be ignored. Former detective constable Maggie Oliver exposed the catastrophic failures in Rochdale and Manchester, pointing out that senior figures blocked reviewers from accessing vital documents. The institutions of the state did not fail due to a lack of resources or intelligence. They failed because they calculated that the lives of working-class white girls were an acceptable price to pay to maintain the illusion of multicultural harmony and organizational self-preservation.
The Scale of the Damage
For the estimated 250,000 victims, the end of the abuse rarely marked the end of the suffering. The focus of the report’s conclusion is deliberately stripped of politics, returning entirely to the human cost borne by those who survived.
Survivors live with chronic pain, severe internal injuries, and reproductive destruction resulting from years of sexual violence. Jane developed endometriosis that was so severe it required the surgical removal of half her uterus. Chloe’s reproductive system was so damaged that her child was born with failing organs, including a defective kidney. Other children endured multiple pregnancies, suffering trauma-induced miscarriages or forced backstreet abortions arranged by the gangs to hide the evidence of their crimes. Leanne, held captive and beaten while pregnant at 15, miscarried and now suffers from chronic fibromyalgia.
Psychologically, the survivors carry the heavy burden of complex PTSD, dissociation, and severe substance addictions that were originally forced upon them by the gangs as mechanisms of control. The report details a tragic trail of suicide attempts, with victims like Rachel’s 12-year-old daughter ultimately taking their own lives simply to make the relentless abuse and intimidation stop.
Furthermore, the state’s habit of removing children born of rape, adopting them out or placing them into the care system while simultaneously leaving the young mothers in the hands of the abusers, has institutionalized a cycle of intergenerational trauma. Survivors find themselves navigating a bleak adulthood, haunted by criminal records acquired under duress, devoid of educational qualifications due to years of truancy and school exclusions, alienated from their families, and permanently terrified of the networks that still operate freely in their hometowns. They mourn lost childhoods that can never be returned.
Conclusion
The testimonies of Chloe, Fiona, Michelle, and countless others stand as an indelible public record of unimaginable cruelty. They document a world where girls as young as 11 were hunted, drugged, mutilated, and passed around like commodities, while the adults paid by the state to protect them simply averted their eyes.
How could industrial-scale child torture continue for half a century across 149 local authorities despite repeated, glaring warnings? It continued because the modern British state permitted it. From the police officer who deleted the evidence, to the social worker who ferried a child to an STI clinic in silence, to the school that punished the victim, to the hospital physician who pulled shattered glass from a girl’s vagina without asking why, every safety net was intentionally dismantled by cowardice and political calculation.
Until the nation stops prioritizing the political sensitivities of the abusers over the survival of its children, the ghosts of these hundreds of thousands of girls will remain chained to the very institutions that betrayed them.
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This article was first published on June 17, 2026, on Substack. Celina is a young Australian writer who focuses primarily on history, culture, and politics. She publishes on Substack at Celina101.
Tyler Durden Sun, 06/21/2026 - 07:00