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The Lakers' second-round series against the Thunder is shifting away from Paycom Center, which is widely considered one of the loudest arenas in the NBA. 

The Lakers’ second-round series against the Thunder is shifting from Paycom Center, widely considered one of the NBA’s loudest arenas.  That could be good news for the team’s role players.  Against the Thunder’s deep roster, the Lakers need everyone to make a positive contribution.  The Lakers’ Rui Hachimura was consistent in the first two games...

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Germany's AfD On Verge Of Absolute Majority In Eastern Saxony-Anhalt Just Months Before Election

Via Remix News,

With just one more point on election day, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) is closing in on producing a political earthquake.

According to a recent poll by Infratest dimap, the AfD in Saxony-Anhalt is pushing its lead even further, now at 41 percent.

The poll also shows that for the CDU, establishing a government is becoming more difficult, especially since any realistic option besides the AfD appears to be a minority government.

There are just four months until election day, and much could change until then, but the AfD appears to be only gaining momentum, not only in the state, but also nationwide, where it just hit a record of 28 percent in the latest Insa survey.

SACHSEN-ANHALT | Sonntagsfrage Landtagswahl Infratest dimap/MDR, MZ, Volksstimme

AfD: 41% (+2)
CDU: 26% (-1)
LINKE: 12% (-1)
SPD: 7%
GRÜNE: 4% (+1)
BSW: 4% (-2)
Sonstige: 6% (+1)

Änderungen zur letzten Umfrage vom 04. September 2025

Verlauf: https://t.co/x9wTDqkYqA#ltwst… pic.twitter.com/1T1SnGSDuF

— Deutschland Wählt (@Wahlen_DE) May 7, 2026

In the “Sachsen-AnhaltTREND” survey, which was conducted by Infratest dimap on behalf of the Magdeburger Volksstimme, the Mitteldeutsche Zeitung, and Mitteldeutscher Rundfunk, the AfD hit 41 percent. Meanwhile, its closest rival, the CDU, lost 1 percentage point compared to the previous week and sits at 26 percent.

Compared to an Infratest poll from last September, the AfD has increased its support by 2 percentage points. Following the CDU are Die Linke at 12 percent and the SPD at 7 percent.

🇩🇪🎄The German Christmas market in Magdeburg has been suspended over security concerns, sparking a nationwide debate.

The question: Why are Christmas markets in Germany being canceled while countries like 🇵🇱Poland and the 🇨🇿Czech Republic have no serious terror threats at their… pic.twitter.com/MUW5fofh5w

— Remix News & Views (@RMXnews) November 12, 2025

Both the Greens and the BSW are polling at 4 percent. These two parties, along with the FDP, would currently fail to enter the state parliament. The FDP, a current member of the state government with the CDU and SPD, was not listed individually in the results because of its low figures. All other parties combined represent 6 percent of the total.

If all the current values of the other parties held, then just one point more for the AfD would allow the party to rule with an absolute majority. However, if other parties, such as the Greens, were to pass the 5 percent threshold on election day, this would complicate the math for the AfD.

In addition, a majority of respondents are unhappy with the state government, with 62 percent stating they are only slightly or not at all satisfied. Only 33 percent expressed that they are very satisfied or satisfied with the government’s performance. Furthermore, 82 percent of people have little to no confidence that the state is generally fulfilling its duties, and the same number, 82 percent, assess the current economic situation as “less than good” or “poor.”

Only 14 percent rate the economy as “very good” or “good.”

Read more here...

Tyler Durden Sat, 05/09/2026 - 07:00

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We're "Ending The Days Of Hiding Fraud": Bessent Goes After Dark Money In Nonprofits

Authored by Stu Cvrk via American Greatness,

On April 23, the US Treasury Department announced that the IRS plans to revise Form 990—the annual information return filed by tax-exempt organizations—to improve transparency and strengthen oversight, specifically targeting reporting on government contracts, government grants, and fiscal sponsorship arrangements. The stated goals are to detect misconduct and hold wrongdoers accountable.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent put the matter bluntly: “We are ending the days of hiding fraud, abuse, and extremist activity behind complicated nonprofit arrangements. When bad actors misuse charitable structures, directors and officers should understand that transparency can lead to scrutiny, accountability, and liability under the law.”

The acting IRS chief counsel added: “If an organization receives public funds or tax-deductible donations, it should be prepared to show who controls the money and where it goes.”

Why is this seemingly innocuous regulatory requirement a really big deal, as most Americans have no idea what Form 990 is used for?

Let us answer that in some detail.

Bottom Line Up Front

Right now, enormous sums of money flow through nonprofit “umbrella” organizations to dozens or hundreds of sub-groups, and the paper trail essentially disappears. The IRS currently has no mechanism on the Form 990 to require disclosure of fiscal sponsorship arrangements. The new rules would force these pass-through organizations to reveal who is getting the money and what it’s being used for.

Think of this in the context of the Southern Poverty Legal Center indictments, which are only the tip of the iceberg of fiscal sponsorship arrangements and transactions.

The Problem: What Is Fiscal Sponsorship and How Is It Exploited?

Fiscal sponsorship is a legitimate and longstanding practice. In a typical fiscal sponsorship relationship, a nonprofit organization’s 501(c)(3) tax-exempt status is extended to groups engaged in activities that serve the fiscal sponsor’s mission, typically for a fee. Donations to the project are directed to the fiscal sponsor and are restricted to supporting activities of the charitable venture. The fiscal sponsor is responsible for assuring the activities of the project fulfill their charitable purpose. Here is how the left-wing Tides Foundation advertises fiscal sponsorships on their website.

The legitimate use case: a new charity that hasn’t yet received IRS 501(c)(3) status can operate under an established nonprofit’s umbrella while it goes through the process. The problem is what happens at scale when the model is weaponized.

Arabella Advisors (see below) and its affiliated entities utilized tax regulations in which groups who use a fiscal sponsorship arrangement do not have to file a Form 990 with the Internal Revenue Service. Using “pass-through” arrangements, funding is passed from one organization to another, making it difficult to trace where a donor’s money ends up.

As noted in the Treasury Department’s press release, recent congressional oversight has raised concerns that some fiscal sponsorship arrangements may be used to obscure who is operating a project, who controls project funds, and how those funds are being used.

The key loophole: because the sponsored “project” is not a standalone legal entity, it files no independent 990. Millions of dollars can be directed to a group that, on paper, barely exists—perhaps just a website—with no public accountability whatsoever.

The Arabella Dark Money Network: Scale and Structure

Arabella Advisors, founded in 2005 by Clinton administration alumnus Eric Kessler, became the most sophisticated example of this model on the American Left. Arabella Advisors is a philanthropic consulting company that oversaw a handful of nonprofits, all of which oversaw a multitude of left-leaning projects and organizations. When accounting for the seven nonprofits in the Arabella Network, they provided nearly $1 billion in grants in 2023 alone. That buys a lot of elections and left-wing activism.

The scale is staggering. In the 2020 election cycle, Arabella’s nonprofits took in $2.4 billion, more than the fundraising of the Democratic and Republican National Committees combined. In the 2022 cycle, Arabella’s fundraising rose to $3 billion.

The Arabella-managed nonprofits collectively paid Arabella over $200 million in consulting fees while creating hundreds of left-wing policy and advocacy organizations through “fiscal sponsorship” agreements that generate “pop-up groups” that operate under the umbrella of an Arabella-managed nonprofit, are not required to file independent financial disclosure forms, and often exist as little more than a website.

The core technique—the “pop-up group”—is essential to understanding how the opacity works. Since the Arabella network’s inception, it sponsored at least 340 such groups. These groups rarely disclose their relationship to Arabella Advisors or its in-house nonprofits; nevertheless, many of them accept donations from the public, funds that go to Arabella’s nonprofits. This system also allows these groups to hide their funders, since it’s virtually impossible to trace individual grants to Arabella’s nonprofits to any particular group.

The flagship funds within the network—the New Venture Fund, Sixteen Thirty Fund, Hopewell Fund, Windward Fund, and North Fund—shuffle money among themselves, compounding the opacity. The five funds sent more than $52 million to Arabella Advisors as payment for operational and management services. On numerous occasions, the funds wired millions of dollars to each other, further obscuring which issues and initiatives individual grants supported.

Foreign money has entered this network as well. Swiss billionaire Hansjörg Wyss was able to move $475 million into various organizations to influence US politics and elections through his nonprofits. The Arabella Network can be linked directly to $265 million from Wyss’s Berger Action Fund and Wyss Foundations. Keep in mind that US election laws bar foreign nationals from contributing to candidates or PACs, but no equivalent restriction applies to nonprofits operating in this manner.

What did Arabella fund specifically? Arabella played a major role in battles over Supreme Court nominations, abortion, women’s sports, school discipline, environmental policies, fake local news outlets, “Zuck Bucks” that manipulate election offices, and more. One particularly notable example: An Arabella-sponsored group funded entirely with Soros money—”Governing for Impact,” started in 2019—worked with Harvard Law School to develop legal strategy memos on how to overturn dozens of federal regulations, including Title IX.

The Sixteen Thirty Fund in particular served as an electoral vehicle. The Sixteen Thirty Fund was behind several groups that ran issue advocacy ads to benefit Democrats during the 2018 midterms. The group also funded Demand Justice, which spent millions of dollars on ads attacking Brett Kavanaugh’s Supreme Court nomination. In 2020 alone, the Sixteen Thirty Fund donated $410 million toward defeating Trump and winning Democratic control of the US.

Arabella’s recent rebrand: Facing sustained scrutiny, Arabella announced it would be shuttering, to be replaced by a trio of successor organizations. The fiscal sponsorship division was acquired by Sunflower Services, a newly formed public benefit corporation. The remaining divisions of Arabella formed a new company called Vital Impact. Sunflower Services is at least majority-owned by the three biggest C3 charities in Arabella’s old empire—New Venture, Hopewell, and Windward Funds. Critics note this is a restructuring, not a shutdown; the same infrastructure continues under friendlier-sounding names.

The Tides Foundation: The Original Model

Tides predates Arabella by three decades and essentially invented the fiscal sponsorship model for the Left. Tides founder Drummond Pike envisioned using fiscal sponsorship for progressive political activism. Fiscal sponsorship uses a tax-exempt charity to provide financial support to a non-exempt project or organization, thereby lending it tax exemption as long as the charity retains control of the way its funds are spent.

Between 1996 and 2010, the Tides Center served as a fiscal sponsor to some 677 separate projects with combined revenues of $522.4 million; in 2010 alone, the Center was actively managing nearly 200 projects.

Tides founder Pike himself acknowledged the core purpose of the model: “Anonymity is very important to most of the people we work with.” The Tides Center has been described as an organization that effectively washes away the paper trail between grants and the original donor.

The combined Tides network is enormous. The six Tides nonprofits saw combined total revenues of $785,605,823 in 2024. The Tides Center offers comprehensive fiscal sponsorship to projects that do not have their own tax-exempt status from the IRS. Again, note that Form 990 has no mechanism for disclosing fiscal sponsorship activities. Some current and past Tides Center projects include Fair and Just Prosecution, Palestine Legal, and the International Corporate Accountability Roundtable.

The Washington Free Beacon reported that in 2023, the Tides Foundation gave $286,000 to the Alliance for Global Justice, a group best known for serving as the fiscal sponsor of Samidoun—subsequently sanctioned by the US Treasury as a “sham charity” for providing material support to a Palestinian terrorist organization that participated in the October 7 Hamas attacks.

Tides has also used its fiscal sponsorship services to explicitly facilitate government grant-seeking. The fee for all funding from government sources is 15 percent, higher than standard rates because government grants entail significantly more paperwork and reporting—meaning Tides actively markets itself as a vehicle for its sponsored projects to access federal funding and takes a cut.

Government Money Flowing to Left-Wing Groups

This is where taxpayer dollars enter the picture directly—distinct from private dark money, but often intertwined with it. Here are some estimates and examples.

USAID awarded more than $800,000 to New Venture Fund—a dark money pass-through nonprofit that cloaks which donors give to which nonprofits—and $27 million to the Tides Center.

The US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants, one of the nonprofits that transported illegal aliens across the country under the Biden administration, reported receiving $284 million of its $289 million in revenue from government grants—98.2 percent government-funded.

The Solidarity Center has received over $86 million from the federal government since 2008; $61 million of that was given under President Biden. Three Solidarity employees joined Biden’s Labor Department. Solidarity receives 99 percent of its total revenue from American taxpayers and serves the AFL-CIO, which gave 86 percent of its 2024 political donations to Democrats.

On the climate front: Inflation Reduction Act funds set aside hundreds of billions for the green agenda. A former staffer from an environmental group called the Coalition for Green Capital joined the Biden EPA specifically to direct $27 billion in green funding. Under his tenure, $5 billion was granted to his former organization. Power Forward Communities received nearly $9 billion despite being only a few months old when it applied—and one recipient was a group affiliated with Stacey Abrams that had only $100 in the bank when it received $2 billion.

The Environmental Law Institute, which ran a “Climate Judiciary Project” to educate federal and state judges in favor of climate tort litigation against energy companies, received millions of dollars in grants and contracts from the EPA, the Departments of Justice, Homeland Security, Agriculture, and State, and the National Science Foundation between 2021 and 2024.

Regarding the SPLC specifically: Despite the SPLC reporting $132.7 million in revenue and nearly $770 million in net assets for 2021, the State Department still granted honorariums and speaker fees to SPLC officials. Additionally, a Biden-era Department of Labor approved a $6 million “employment training” grant for NextGen, a nonprofit that fights for “progressive policy change” through advocacy and civic engagement.

The SPLC itself is in the news for separate reasons: the Justice Department indicted the Southern Poverty Law Center on federal fraud charges, alleging it improperly raised millions of dollars to pay informants to infiltrate the Ku Klux Klan and other extremist groups.

The revolving door between these funded NGOs and Democratic administrations is a key part of the story. Personnel from Open Society Foundations and associated left-wing groups cycled in and out of the Biden White House, Justice Department, and other agencies—the same people who had previously shaped grantmaking priorities then directed government money toward aligned organizations.

In just the first month of the Trump administration, 15 groups that had received federal cash from the previous administration sued the current administration, mostly to protect their funding, which totaled $1.6 billion. This is the feedback loop in miniature: government grants activist groups → activist groups lobby for more government → activist groups litigate against anyone who tries to stop it.

Concluding Thoughts

Several converging factors explain the timing of the Treasury Department’s April announcement:

1. Congressional pressure has been building. Multiple House hearings over the past year—the DOGE Subcommittee hearing “Public Funds, Private Agendas: NGOs Gone Wild” and the Judiciary Subcommittee hearing “How Leftist Nonprofit Networks Exploit Federal Tax Dollars”—have built an extensive public record and created political momentum for regulatory action.

2. The rebrand attempt flagged the problem. Arabella’s restructuring into Sunflower Services and Vital Impact in late 2025 was widely seen as an attempt to launder its reputation and escape scrutiny. The Treasury announcement signals that rebranding won’t be sufficient.

3. Form 990 has a structural blind spot. As noted in the Treasury Department’s press release, Form 990 has no mechanism for disclosing fiscal sponsorship activities. This isn’t a bug in enforcement—it’s a gap in the regulatory framework itself, one that has been known and exploited for decades. Treasury is finally moving to close it through regulatory action rather than waiting for Congress to act legislatively.

4. The SPLC indictment and related scrutiny. The indictment of the SPLC, combined with sustained focus on the Tides Foundation’s role in funding anti-Israel groups, has elevated the broader question of nonprofit accountability in the current political moment.

5. The “revolving door” has been documented. The Biden years produced extensive documentation of personnel moving between the dark money network and government agencies, with the explicit effect of directing public funds toward aligned organizations. The Trump administration is using every available tool—executive, regulatory, and prosecutorial—to dismantle these arrangements.

The bottom line is pretty straightforward: for decades, a small number of sophisticated nonprofit aggregators have used fiscal sponsorship to create a system in which billions of dollars—from private megadonors, foreign nationals, and American taxpayers—flow to politically aligned left-wing activist organizations with direct ties to the Democrat Party with essentially no public accountability. The sponsored groups don’t file their own 990s.

The pass-through organizations don’t have to disclose which projects their money supports. And the whole system is perfectly legal under current IRS rules. The Treasury announcement is the first significant regulatory step toward forcing disclosure of these arrangements, and its timing reflects both the political will of the current administration and the groundwork laid by over a year of congressional investigation.

“Sunlight is the best disinfectant” for the body politic!

Tyler Durden Sat, 05/09/2026 - 06:00

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