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DOE's NNSA Removes Enriched Uranium From Venezuela And Japan
The Department of Energy's National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA) has coordinated with Japan and Venezuela to remove enriched uranium from both countries.
The U.S. has secured its largest-ever HALEU fuel shipment, working in partnership with Japan. This significant transfer advances President Trump’s strategy to restore America's energy dominance and power next-generation nuclear reactors. https://t.co/h5Oc6f5kRq pic.twitter.com/EG7kA9Eopg
— NNSA (@NNSANews) May 7, 2026The NNSA coordinated with Japanese government and nuclear agencies to transfer 1.7 metric tons of high-assay low-enriched uranium (HALEU) from Japan to the US. The material comes from excess supplies at the recently shut-down test reactor in Japan.
Japan has not completely ceased research into new reactor technology, and instead will focus on the Joyo research reactor. There is a long-standing coordination between the US and Japan to offload excess quantities of enriched uranium due to proliferation concerns.
Typical commercial reactors run on low-enriched uranium (LEU) which is typically enriched to 3-5%. The percentage of enrichment indicates how much of the fuel is actually usable for fission; the amount of U-235 isotopes present in the uranium mix.
Some of the advanced reactors and currently operating research reactors across the world use HALEU, enriched up to 20%. Enrichment levels beyond that are considered weapons grade and only used for military reactors and nuclear weapons development.
The HALEU that was imported from Japan will be repurposed and utilized in advanced reactors being developed under the DOE's Reactor Pilot Program and other research efforts.
For context, the amount of enriched uranium brought over from Japan is likely enough to fuel only one microreactor for one full operating cycle. Centrus Energy also currently produces 900kg/year of HALEU at their Piketon facility, with a massive expansion effort currently underway.
Immediately following the Japan announcement, the NNSA declared all the highly enriched uranium (HEU) was successfully removed from Venezuela. The material was left over from a research reactor program in Venezuela that shut down in 1991.
The HEU has been transported to the Savannah River Site for processing and reuse, potentially to also be included in future DOE programs
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Global Jet Fuel Exports Hit 10-Year Seasonal Low in April
Submitted by Tsvetana Paraskova of OilPrice.com
Global seaborne jet fuel exports crashed to a seasonal low in April as supplies remained trapped in the Middle East and Asian refiners slashed run rates amid lower crude availability, energy flows analytics firm Vortexa said in a report on Friday.
Global seaborne exports of jet/kerosene fuels slumped to as low as 1.1 million barrels per day (bpd) in April, down by 630,000 bpd from the same month last year. That's also at the lowest end of the ten-year range between 2016 and 2025, Vortexa's freight tracking data showed.
The crash in exports of jet fuel – which is the most stressed barrel during the ongoing supply shock – was not unexpected. Supplies of the fuel from the Middle East cannot move past the Strait of Hormuz, while Asian refiners slashed exports amid reduced run rates and preference and/or orders to keep more supply for their respective domestic markets.
Jet fuel supplies from Northeast Asia and India West Coast crashed and tightened the global jet fuel market so much that officials and airline executives started talking about fuel shortages in a few weeks’ time.
Fatih Birol, executive director of the International Energy Agency (IEA), warned in mid-April that Europe has “maybe six weeks or so” of remaining jet fuel supply.
Following the slump in global flows in April, exports are set to rebound from May and June as some Asian countries and refiners will be exporting more barrels amid high margins, Ivan Mathews, Head of APAC Analysis at Vortexa, wrote.
A rebound in Northeast Asia’s jet fuel exports would be led by South Korea, which could raise refinery utilization as crude arrivals to the country are expected to recover to about 80% of pre-war levels in May, according to Mathews.
Moreover, the expected rise in jet fuel supplies from Asia in May could lead to arbitrage flows to the U.S. West Coast and Northwest Europe, the analyst said.
While higher Asian supplies would drive a modest recovery in global jet fuel exports in the coming months, incremental exports from Asia are unlikely to fully offset in the near term lost supply from the Middle East, Mathews noted.
“Until seaborne flows normalise, jet/kero cracks are expected to remain elevated relative to other refined products, incentivising refiners to maximise jet fuel yields at the margin.”
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Is Marco Rubio The New Heir Apparent To Trump?
For months, the conventional wisdom inside Republican circles has been settled and simple: JD Vance is next. The vice president has led 2028 Republican presidential nomination polling by a country mile, averaging nearly 45.5 points in the RealClearPolitics aggregate — more than 30 points ahead of Donald Trump Jr. at 14.8% and Marco Rubio at 14%.
And yet, something shifted this week. One press briefing, and the betting markets started hedging.
Rubio stepped in as White House press secretary on Tuesday, covering for Karoline Leavitt while she’s on maternity leave, and delivered what even the skeptics had to acknowledge was a polished, commanding performance. He defended the war in Iran before a press corps not exactly known for its generosity toward administration officials — and walked away with his standing improved. The room, by most accounts, was notably less adversarial than it tends to be when Leavitt or Trump takes the podium. Rubio was fluid and measured, giving the journalists little to sharpen their teeth on.
Washington noticed, and Kalshi, one of the leading prediction markets, noticed too.
By Tuesday, Rubio had leapfrogged Vance to become the overall favorite to win the 2028 presidential election, coming in at 18% to Vance's 17%. Gov. Gavin Newsom sits just behind at 16% - a reminder that the Democrats haven't entirely vacated the field in the markets' eyes.
For Rubio, the jump is particularly striking given that he was sitting in the single digits on Kalshi earlier this year.
Polymarket still has Vance in front overall - 19.6% to Newsom's 16.7% and Rubio's 15%.
On the GOP nomination question specifically, Vance retains a meaningful edge on Polymarket (though Rubio's odds are rising). Primary voters and general-election bettors, it turns out, are pricing these things very differently.
None of this, of course, happens in a vacuum. Trump himself has been notably careful — or deliberately noncommittal — about who carries the MAGA torch after January 2029.
Weeks into his second term, Trump sat down with Fox News's Bret Baier and declined to designate Vance as his heir apparent, saying simply that it was too early for such an endorsement. For a president who has never been shy about anointing winners and losers, that hesitation was conspicuous to say the least. He left the door ajar, and markets being markets, traders are now watching to see who walks through it.
Trump says he does not view JD Vance as his successor and declines to endorse him in 2028, saying it’s too early and that there are “lot of very capable people.”pic.twitter.com/xRtnX1DgZ2
— bryan metzger (@metzgov) February 10, 2025Vance remains the favorite by most conventional metrics. His polling advantage is enormous, and he’s been the heir apparent since joining the Trump ticket in 2024.
But Rubio's trajectory is definitely worth watching to see if his stock goes higher or merely plateaus. His rise from the low single digits to within striking distance of Vance on Kalshi over just a few months could be a one-off or the opening act of a longer repositioning.
For now, Vance’s commanding polling lead offers the most grounded picture of where Republican voters actually stand.
But, prediction markets have a knack for capturing things polls don’t. And it will likely take some time to determine if Rubio’s rise will stick.
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Is There More Risk Than Reward In The US–China Summit?
Authored by James Gorrie via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),
Do the advantages of the U.S.–China summit still outweigh the disadvantages?
Perhaps, but the negative risks are high.
President Donald Trump (left) and Chinese leader Xi Jinping shake hands before their meeting at Gimhae International Airport in Busan, South Korea, on Oct. 30, 2025. Mark Schiefelbein/AP PhotoThe scheduled May 14–15 summit in Beijing between President Donald Trump and Chinese leader Xi Jinping was intended to be a landmark “reset” between the two nations. But as the high-stakes game of chicken unfolds between Washington and Beijing, there may be more reasons not to meet than to carry on with the summit.
Why would that be?
In both principle and practice, the U.S.–China relationship has moved beyond mere trade friction into the realm of indirect military confrontation. In both countries, there are challenges on the internal political, economic, and social fronts, as well as global reputations at stake.
Any one of a number of potentially explosive geopolitical triggers could justify a second delay to the meeting.
The Hormuz Flashpoint: Chinese Weapons Threatening the US Navy?Of course, the escalating naval war in the Middle East is one of the main reasons for the summit—and for why it may not happen.
Reports indicate that China’s transfer of “carrier-killer” anti-ship missiles to Iran could enable Iranian forces to strike a U.S. Navy vessel. If such an attack were to occur, the political optics for Trump would be disastrous. Not only would American lives and ships be at risk, but Trump’s humiliation in Beijing would be seen by the entire world.
Furthermore, at least one Chinese tanker has passed through the U.S.-led blockade of the Strait of Hormuz in April, to the distaste of the Trump administration.
For Trump, who prides himself on “strength,” does it make sense to shake hands with a leader whose technology just “painted a target” on American sailors and violated a U.S. blockade?
At the same time, the U.S. blockade, combined with the Iranian-led security controls, has made the strait a high-risk zone, even for Chinese-flagged or linked vessels. In fact, on May 4, a Chinese-owned tanker was hit by Iran, and according to some reports, several people were wounded, and the vessel was damaged.
Beijing Doubling Down on IranThe war in Iran is both harming the Chinese regime and deepening its presence in the region. That won’t be bargained away. With fundamental disagreements on the future of Iran, there’s little, if any, prospect for long-term upside, with high risk and low probability of even short-term success.
For instance, from Beijing’s perspective, will China agree to stop buying Iranian oil or stop supplying Tehran with war materiel?
Why would Xi allow himself to be humiliated by hosting the man who kicked China out of Panama and Venezuela, and now potentially Iran?
Trade, of course, is the answer. But Trump has shown that redirecting China’s trade and manufacturing to the United States is a top priority. Therefore, any agreements are unlikely to change those objectives in the long term.
U.S. forces patrol the Arabian Sea near M/V Touska on April 20, 2026. U.S. Navy via Getty Images Israel and the Overland ‘Silk Road’ ConflictAs the U.S.–Israel coalition continues to attack Iran and the surrounding areas, the Israeli attacks have spilled over into China’s critical supply lines. The Israel Defense Forces has reportedly begun striking China’s overland supply line, its railroad in Iran, viewing it as a lifeline for the Iranian regime.
This action by the Israelis moves the conflict from a proxy war with Iran to a direct assault on Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative assets and relationships.
Regardless of its diplomatic rhetoric, Beijing will have to respond.
Any response could potentially move China into a deeper role in the war, transitioning from a neutral mediator to an active adversary of the U.S.–Israel axis. That fact alone will make the summit more awkward and confrontational, as Beijing is forced to defend its infrastructure against American-aligned forces.
Xi Faces a Perfect Storm of Multiple RisksXi is facing a perfect storm of dissent on multiple fronts.
Financial disruptions and acute shortages in the wake of the Hormuz Strait blockade have triggered multiple, visible public protests against the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP). These events are censored, but they are happening with more frequency.
Economically, the structural slowdown in China’s economy has shifted from a “soft landing” to a hard reality, with 30 percent of China’s industrial companies operating at a loss, even as the debt-to-GDP ratio continues to rise to 300 percent.
Politically, with the 21st Party Congress approaching in 2027, Xi is in a precarious position, having to consolidate power with a depleted and purged People’s Liberation Army, while his “China Dream” is being undermined by the war in Iran. Every day the war continues, communist China’s geopolitical reputation and its economy grow weaker.
Geopolitically, there is the risk of Iran falling while Trump visits Beijing, or a massive U.S. attack on Iran during the meeting. Either would be a humiliation that Xi may find difficult to politically live down, especially given that confidence in Xi within the CCP has been waning for years.
Why would Xi take the risk of looking weak while the whole world is watching him hosting and toasting Trump? Xi must be planning to avoid this, but how?
A woman looks at a banner about the "China Dream," Chinese leader Xi Jinping's vision for China's future, in Beijing on July 7, 2015. Greg Baker/AFP/Getty Images Trump’s ‘Art of the Deal’ Versus the ‘Weakness’ TrapPerhaps the most significant psychological factor is Trump’s own brand. Many global critics and domestic opponents argue that the current global instability was “started” by his administration’s aggressive stance on Iran and trade.
But the instability in the Middle East was arguably expanded and deepened by the Biden administration, enabling the Iranian regime to fund multiple military proxies in the region and greatly enhance its military capabilities, significantly aided by China.
If Trump goes to Beijing now, he risks looking like a supplicant—a leader in need of Xi to “save” him from a widening war—giving him the appearance of needing Xi’s help to clean up the mess he made.
Could Trump use another delay as a negotiating tactic to signal that he is not desperate for a deal, especially if the negative optics of the deal outweigh the benefits?
Might Xi feel similarly?
Both are real possibilities.
Does Either Side Actually Want the Summit?The reality is that both leaders are caught in a paradox.
For Xi, a summit offers a chance to stabilize trade, but he cannot appear to be yielding to “American hegemony” while he prepares for a fourth term. If he cannot guarantee a “win,” he would do better to cancel the summit and not give CCP critics fuel to further undermine his leadership.
For Trump, he wants the “Grand Deal” that would cement his legacy. But the “Art of the Deal” requires leverage. Right now, with the Iranian regime still in power, Trump’s leverage may be less than he thinks it is.
It’s likely that any real upsides may be short-lived and perhaps temporarily improve public relations with the rest of the world, but is that worth the downside risk for Trump or Xi?
We will soon see.
Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.
Tyler Durden Fri, 05/08/2026 - 20:55