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Wary Of Backlash, Pro-Israel GOP Senate Hopeful Asks AIPAC Not To Spend On His Behalf

With Israel's standing in the United States crumbling, America's leading pro-Israel organization has become a focal point of anger among those who think the US government is putting Israel's interests ahead of America's. Political candidates have started seizing on this, attacking opponents who are backed by that group -- AIPAC. So for, that's largely been a phenomenon in the Democratic primaries, but now -- in a jarring indication of AIPAC's ballot-box toxicity -- staunchly pro-Israel GOP Senate hopeful Mike Rogers has asked AIPAC not to spend money on his general election campaign.  

Rogers, a former US representative who chaired the House intelligence committee from 2011 to 2015, has been a stalwart backer of US aid to Israel, and was one of 12 federal legislators honored in 2015 by the US-Israel Security Alliance for his work to arm the Israel Defense Forces. 

Having won the Republican primary, Rogers faces Democratic nominee Abdul El-Sayed in the general election. El-Sayed is an outspoken critic of Israel and US support for Israel, which is why AIPAC blew through $30 million in a failed attempt to secure the Democratic nomination for the Israel-catering Haley Stevens. In that campaign, El-Sayed deftly portrayed Stevens as beholden to Israel. Stevens had given him all the ammo he needed; indeed, the El-Sayed campaign created a website that did nothing but show this cringy Stevens performance on a continuous loop: 

Rep. Haley Stevens: "In the United States Congress, I will continue to fight for the people of Israel!"

"Israel comes to me in my dreams!" pic.twitter.com/flVVYp3EWP

— AIPAC Tracker (@TrackAIPAC) June 9, 2026

When his primary victory was nearly in hand, El-Sayed taunted AIPAC, saying, "AIPAC, if you're listening, come back and burn it again" in the general election. AIPAC was poised to start running an already-produced commercial for the November race when Rogers talked to AIPAC chair Michael Tuchin in Los Angeles last week, Axios reports. The next day, the commercial was put on ice. 

The extraordinary move by the Rogers campaign is a humiliation for AIPAC, which has long been nearly omnipotent in securing lopsided congressional votes on pro-Israel bills, and in installing pro-Israel legislators while ousting those who dare to offer even mild criticism of Israel. While AIPAC has hit "pause" on its effort in the Michigan Senate campaign, angry AIPAC officials want back in. 

The Rogers camp is wary of El-Sayed using AIPAC support of Rogers as a powerful cudgel in the Michigan Senate race

Rogers' allies are urging AIPAC to use indirect ways to influence the race, so that AIPAC's backing isn't used against Rogers. One technique under discussion is telling AIPAC donors to give their money to a pro-Rogers super PAC rather than AIPAC, Axios reported. The Rogers team has also floated the idea of directly hiring AIPAC's political strategists. However, not wanting to own up to the fact that it has become political poison, AIPAC wants a visible role in the race, with hopes of notching a big win that reinforces the group's power as other politicians stake out their positions on Israel. Things have gotten so icy between the Rogers camp and AIPAC that other GOP players are attempting to intermediate, including Jewish Republican donors. 

According to a recent Fox News poll, 55% of the Michigan electorate want US aid to Israel to stop altogether. The state has one of the larger Arab American populations, and from election to election, it's demonstrated mobility across the Red-Blue divide. Outraged over the Biden administration's blank-check support for Israel's devastation of Gaza, the most heavily-Arab precincts in east Dearborn went for the self-described "peace candidate" Donald Trump in 2024, with 45% voting for Trump, 29% for the Green Party's Jill Stein, and only 16% for Biden's VP Kamala Harris.

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 19:15

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Elon Musk's Huge Midterm Investment Widens GOP's Money Advantage

Republicans already have a significant financial advantage heading into the 2026 midterm elections, but Elon Musk is preparing to spend up to $200 million to give them an even bigger boost. Wired reports that officials with knowledge of Musk's plans said the range could still change, and that he intends to direct much of that money toward voter-turnout operations in the cycle's most competitive races, with the Texas Senate contest emerging as a likely landing spot.

The Texas Senate race between Republican nominee Ken Paxton and Democrat James Talarico gives Musk a lopsided fundraising contest, though polling suggests the race is closer than Republicans should be comfortable with. Talarico has raised $68.6 million through June 30, mostly from out of state, more than seven times what Paxton has brought in, and he closed the month with $21.5 million in cash on hand against $1.8 million for Paxton, according to Federal Election Commission filings.

The polling numbers complicate that picture. An Emerson College poll from Aug. 9-10 showed Paxton leading Talarico 47% to 46% among likely voters, and eight nonpartisan public polls since the Republican runoff have shown the race hovering around a dead heat.

Costas Panagopoulos, a political science professor at Northeastern University, said Musk's money could help Paxton close some of that financial gap if it goes toward a disciplined get-out-the-vote operation rather than television ads alone. He also flagged competitive Senate races in Georgia, Ohio and Maine as likely destinations for Musk's spending beyond Texas.

"It's a considerable sum that has the potential to shake things up in certain races across the country," Panagopoulos told The New York Post.

Musk's expected 2026 outlay would extend a pattern he set in 2024, when he spent at least $288 million helping Donald Trump and other Republicans win office. Most of that money ran through his super PAC, America PAC, which took in $239 million by early December along with another $11.2 million in in-kind petition-incentive spending, and which paid third-party canvassing firms more than $46 million across the battleground states. Trump carried all six of those states, though his own campaign officials were not convinced the paid canvassing operation deserved credit over Trump's own appeal to voters.

He kept writing checks after the election. Musk gave more than $73 million to Republican causes in 2025, including roughly $45 million to America PAC and three separate $5 million contributions on June 27 to MAGA Inc., the Congressional Leadership Fund and the Senate Leadership Fund. This year he opened with a $10 million contribution in January to Fight for Kentucky, the group that backed GOP Senate candidate Nate Morris before he suspended his campaign in May, and America PAC has attributed at least $1.6 million more to him through March 31.

Panagopoulos expects Democrats to answer Musk's spending in some form. "This is not going to happen in a vacuum," he said. "Democrats will respond, and even if they can't find someone with pockets as deep as this, there are other ways to raise funds to combat what might be happening on the Republican side."

However, money has been the one thing Democrats have struggled with this year. The Republican National Committee entered the stretch run of the midterms with $128 million in the bank. The Democratic National Committee, however, has a roughly $2 million net deficit.

Politico reported in July that the three main GOP party committees and their two caucus-aligned super PACs held a combined $657 million in cash at the end of June, nearly double the $334 million their Democratic counterparts held, and that tally does not include MAGA Inc., the pro-Trump super PAC that reported more than $400 million in the bank a few weeks earlier. Democrats have no comparable vehicle. Add Trump's super PAC to the party committees and caucus-aligned groups, Politico found, and Republicans control more than three times the money Democrats have across their equivalent organizations.

The National Republican Senatorial Committee holds $55.9 million to the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee's $41 million, and the National Republican Congressional Committee holds $92.7 million to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee's $79 million.

Of course, money alone rarely settles an election. In Florida this past week, Democratic socialist Angie Nixon defeated former National Security Council aide Alex Vindman in the Florida Democratic Senate primary, despite Vindman raising $16 million compared to Nixon's $975,000.

But having money helps and can be critical in competitive races. Heading into the final stretch of the 2026 cycle, the GOP is running with a financial structure Democrats do not have, and Musk's expected investment will widen that advantage further.

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